Hello, Modern World

Hello to This Modern World readers, and many thanks to Mr. Tomorrow for the opportunity to contribute here. My name is Jon Schwarz, and my own website is called A Tiny Revolution. It’s named after something George Orwell wrote in an essay titled “Funny But Not Vulgar”:

A thing is funny when it upsets the established order. Every joke is a tiny revolution.

For anyone curious, on my site you can find more about me, as well as more about the Orwell essay.

I’m looking forward to sharing with everyone here my voluminous diatribes, manifestos, Pentagon-subsidized disinformation, and so on. In particular I enjoy tracing weird throughlines in American history: certain alarming attitudes and even specific words that keep popping up over and over again, long after you think we’d driven a stake through their dark hearts. It’s truly, deeply creepy. As William Faulkner famously said, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”

Here’s a relevant example. In George W. Bush biggest pre-war speech about Iraq and democracy, he explained:

America’s interests in security, and America’s belief in liberty, both lead in the same direction: to a free and peaceful Iraq…

[Iraqis’] lives and their freedom matter little to Saddam Hussein—but Iraqi lives and freedom matter greatly to us…

If we must use force, the United States and our coalition stand ready to help the citizens of a liberated Iraq.

For most Americans, this sounded pretty good. We’re just being helpful! When you put it like that, we’re almost obligated to invade!

It might have been useful if we’d remembered the first Great Seal of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The seal was part of the charter granted to British settlers in 1629 by Charles I. And the charter was where America began—with Pilgrims, Thanksgiving, etc.

Now, look closely. Can you tell what the American Indian on the seal is saying?

That’s right! He’s asking the settlers to “come over and help us.”

The settlers, of course, did help the Indians…to be dead.

This formula recurs over and over again throughout American history. We go somewhere because we HAVE TO HELP PEOPLE. Then they all somehow—perhaps because of a 400-year streak of bad luck on our part?—end up dead. In 1966, the editor of U.S. News and World Report wrote:

What the United States is doing in Vietnam is the most significant example of philanthropy extended by one people to another that we have witessed in our times.

True, we killed an estimated two million people in Indochina. But when you get down to it, aren’t philanthropy and napalm essentially the same thing?

Now, none of this history necessarily means exactly the same thing is happening in Iraq. Maybe this time we really are going to help! You never know!

But probably not. One of the (two) books on Bush’s Christmas reading list was Imperial Grunts by Robert Kaplan.

Kaplan’s book explains that A) the War on Terror is very similar to America’s Indian Wars; B) the WoT is “really about taming the frontier”; and C) most of the earth is now “Injun country.”

Look at all those people out there saying, “come over and help us.” How can we possibly refuse?

COMING UP: Previous appearances in U.S. history of “shock and awe.”

Duck and cover

Bush, this afternoon:

You know when I was growin’ up, or other baby boomers here were growin’ up, we felt safe. Because we had these vast oceans that could protect us from harm’s way. September the 11th changed all of that.

Yes, baby boomers certainly remember how safe and secure they felt growing up, with those great big oceans out there to protect them.

The Fruits of the Republican Bribery Scandal

Jeez. Is there anything GOP stalwarts wouldn’t do to help out Jack Abramoff and his tribal gaming buddies? First we have Ralph Reed stabbing the entire evangelical community in the back by exploiting their anti-gambling views in order to favor Indian casinos :

Mr. Abramoff and Mr. Reed worked together to urge Christians and evangelical leaders to oppose casino openings and pro-gambling legislation in Louisiana. Behind the scenes, the pair’s campaign succeeded, bolstering the Coushatta Tribe’s casino business by eliminating competition.
. . .
Mr. Abramoff first hired Mr. Reed, a prominent evangelical who once called gambling “a cancer,” to leverage his evangelical contacts to defeat pro-gambling legislation in Alabama in 1999. Mr. Abramoff hatched the campaign to protect the gaming interests of one of his clients, the Choctaw Tribe of Mississippi. While Mr. Reed worked to rally Christians for campaigns that benefited Mr. Abramoff’s clients, Mr. Abramoff’s partner, Michael Scanlon, wrote an e-mail to Kathryn Van Hoof, a former lawyer for the Coushatta Tribe, describing the plan to use Christians: “Simply put we want to bring out the wackos to vote against something and make sure the rest of the public lets the whole thing slip past them. The wackos get their information [from] the Christian right, Christian radio, mail, the internet, and telephone.”
. . .
Mr. Reed has admitted funneling $1.15 million from the Choctaw Tribe to two anti-gambling groups in Alabama, including the Christian Coalition of Alabama (CCA), in 2000. In 2001, Mr. Abramoff hired Mr. Reed to rally evangelicals to oppose casino openings and pro-gambling legislation in Louisiana to protect the interests of the Coushatta Tribe. E-mails released by a Senate committee late last year show that Mr. Reed knew the Coushatta Tribe was Mr. Abramoff’s client. (In his plea agreement, Mr. Abramoff has admitted charging the Coushattas $30 million for his work, and pocketing nearly $11.5 million without the tribe’s knowledge.)

Other e-mails and faxes released by the Senate show that Mr. Reed organized TV and radio ads, as well as a letter-writing campaign, enlisting prominent evangelicals to help in the Abramoff-orchestrated campaign, including Focus on the Family’s James Dobson and Tom Minnery, former presidential candidate and family-values guru Gary Bauer, Eagle Forum founder Phyllis Schlafly, and American Family Association head Don Wildmon.

A veritable Who’s Who of Republican religious stooges. Far be it from me to point out that they’ve been getting used by the big business wing of the GOP for decades now. A few choice words about “values” and they can get those guys to do anything.

Also on the “selling the government to the highest bidder” tip, now we’ve got word that Tom Delay was pestering the Justice Department to shut down rival casinos :

Former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay tried to pressure the Bush administration into shutting down an Indian-owned casino that lobbyist Jack Abramoff wanted closed — shortly after a tribal client of Abramoff’s donated to a DeLay political action committee, The Associated Press has learned.

The Texas Republican demanded closure of the casino, owned by the Alabama-Coushatta tribe of Texas, in a Dec. 11, 2001 letter to then-Attorney General John Ashcroft. The Associated Press obtained the letter from a source who did not want to be identified because of an ongoing federal investigation of Abramoff and members of Congress.

“We feel that the Department of Justice needs to step in and investigate the inappropriate and illegal actions by the tribe, its financial backers, if any, and the casino equipment vendors,” said the letter, which was also signed by Texas Republican Reps. Pete Sessions, John Culberson and Kevin Brady.
. . .
The letter also was sent to Interior Secretary Gale Norton; the U.S. attorney for Texas’ eastern district; the chairman of the National Indian Gaming Commission and Texas Gov. Rick Perry, who took over when Bush was elected president.

Its author appears to have been unfamiliar with the Alabama-Coushatta. It said the tribe was based in “Livingstone,” and that the tribe had opened a casino “against the wishes of the citizens of Alabama.” The tribe’s reservation is in Livingston, Texas.

Cue the GOP talking points in 3…2….1….

“I’m sorry, who was that you’re referring to? Tim D. Laye? There are over 400 members of Congress, so forgive me if I’ve never heard of him.”

Life in the big leagues

In recent months, I’ve contemplated Hugh Hewitt’s description of “exaggeration, invective, (and) anonymous sources” as tactics “exclusive to the left”; read the cranky seventh-tier blogger ramblings of Maureen Dowd’s brother, and winced repeatedly at the ongoing mystery that is David Brooks. And I’ve wondered if there’s anything the editors of the New York Times op-ed page would find too objectionable to publish.

Well, now I have my answer.

But let us start at the beginning.

I was contacted by the art director of the op-ed page about a month ago — they were planning to devote a week to cartoons in early January, featuring a different artist each day, and wanted to invite me to submit a piece.

Now, the thing is, I’ve been down this road a number of times. And this is how it always plays out: a well-meaning art director contacts me. I submit a “rough” (which in my case means a completely written cartoon with roughly sketched in art, but since the writing is the hardest part, there’s no way I’m getting anywhere near compensated for my time unless the piece runs — which is why I almost never accept work when the words “kill fee” are involved). Even though I am given the impression of a very tight deadline, I won’t hear back for several days, possibly longer — which will leave me obsessively checking my email and mentally juggling my schedule. Then, after the well-meaning art director finally gets a chance to consult with the page’s editors, he or she will come back to me with the inevitable requests for “minor changes” which will somehow undermine, if not completely eviscerate, the integrity of the piece.

That’s just how it always goes. There are few things in life less certain. You can take it to the bank, use it as collateral on a six figure loan.

One quick example: I once had to rewrite a cartoon for the Times because the editor did not understand the meaning of the punchline, “do you want fries with that?”

I kid you not.

It’s not always quite that bad, but it’s never easy. My wife thinks it’s because they simply don’t understand what I do. They know how to edit columns and essays. They understand opening paragraphs, thesis statements, word counts, stylebook requirements, etc. But when it comes to cartoons, especially the kind of cartoons I do, in which the meaning of the thing lies in some nebulous space between words and art, as delicately balanced and unsuitable to revision as the proverbial house of cards — they might as well be trying to edit an improvisational musician or an abstract sculptor.

Add to this the December 28 deadline for roughs (with final art “probably” due on the 30th), which meant I was going to have to give up a couple of vacation days, after spending most of the previous couple of weeks getting far enough ahead on my normal work that I could take those vacation days.

Still, it is the New York Times, and the responsible, businesslike part of me wasn’t going to let me turn down the opportunity, even if it meant ignoring my usual “no kill fee” policy. You see, the Times is a lot less open to work like mine than it used to be. I haven’t been asked to do anything for the op-ed page in years; the Week in Review no longer seems interested in running my cartoons in its weekly roundup; and I’ve recently learned that I’m effectively blacklisted from that section as an illustrator — apparently, the WiR editors feel that I’m so famous as a political cartoonist that to even use an illustration from me is to make an implicit political statement. That’s the sort of fame that occasionally leads a client paper to drop my work because readers can find it elsewhere if they try. It is also the sort of fame that eventually leads down a path straight to the poorhouse. Personally, I’d prefer the kind of fame that comes with spectacular wealth and abundant free time, if it’s all the same to everyone, thank you very much.

But I digress.

So. I wrote the piece, turned it in and waited. And waited. The date by which final art was ostensibly due, December 30, came and went with no word. I checked my email obsessively. Kept a nervous eye on my schedule. Waited some more.

Finally got a response from the well-meaning art director, on January 5: he’d had a chance to meet with the editors, who liked the piece a lot, but there was just one small problem, the op-ed page has a new policy–

–(drumroll, please)–

No caricatures.

Again, I kid you not. In case the sheer aching absurdity of this somehow eludes you, let me spell it out: the New York Times was soliciting work from a political cartoonist for the op-ed page without mentioning that caricature is no longer welcome on that page.

Even for the Times, this was a new level of lunacy. If the word “Kafkaesque” weren’t so overused, I’d be tempted to use it here. But of course, it is, and I won’t.

In fairness, the well-meaning art director thought that the cartoon could survive with a few minor tweaks, as there were only two panels out of six in which the images of specific political figures were featured. I disagreed — excluding the title panel, that’s really two panels out of five that need to be seriously rewritten to compensate for the op-ed page’s newfound aversion to political caricature, one of which was the final panel, the gracenote, the punchline that the entire cartoon builds up to.

In otherwords: evisceration city.

(Take a look at the Nixon equals Bush image at the top of the page. Imagine how effective it would be if I were not allowed to actually portray either Nixon or Bush.)

It’s always been lovely, on the few occasions it has happened, to wake up in the morning and see my work on the op-ed page of one of the nation’s largest newspapers, to imagine the hearty chuckles of the intellectual class perusing their Times with their coffee, murmuring to themselves “Who is this clever Tom Tomorrow fellow, anyway?” — but in this case, I fear it wasn’t meant to be.

I have to acknowledge that this wasn’t just a simple matter of my objection to some proposed edits. There’s also a point you reach sometimes, where bending over backwards for dubious reward is just no longer worth it. Where the thought of obliging such foolishness with eager cooperation gives you a dull red throb behind the eyes. My threshold for this sort of thing is probably lower than most, but still: No caricature? And nobody thought to mention this to the, uh, political cartoonist?

So I did what any self-defeatingly stubborn and irritable artist would do: I told them to send the kill fee.

* * *

To salvage something out of all of this, I’ll be using a version this piece in the weekly strip in the near future; after it runs, I’ll have some further thoughts on the matter …